第59頁
The unusually large number of MSS.of the Farmer’s Law shows its importance and widespread use.Its significance is not confined to the limits of the Byzantine Empire，for it was soon translated into Slavonic and had a marked influence on legal developments among the South and East Slavs.Cf.A.Pavlov，‘Knigi zakonnye’（Lawbooks），Shornik vtorogo otd.Imp.Ross.Akad.Nauk 38（1885）.An Old Serbian translation has been publi射d by Dj.S.Radojicic，Srpski rukopis Zemljoradnickog zakona（A Serbian manuscript of the Farmer’s Law），ZRVI 3（1955），15 ff.In Serbia it formed an important part of the legal compilation known as‘the Law of the Tzar Justinian’，and was normally found in MSS.together with the law-book of Stephen Dusan and the Syntagma of Matthew Blastares.Cf.Solovjev，Zakonodavstvo Stefana Dusana（The legal work of Stephen Dusan），Skoplje 1928，49 ff.
[17]ed.by W.Ashburner，The Rhodian Sea Law，Oxford 1909;trans.E.H.Freshfield，A Manual of Later Roman Law（Cambridge 1927）。
[18]Cf.W.Ashburner，op.cit.，pp.cxii ff.；Za插ria，Geschichte 316，also attributes this law to the iconoclast Emperor and likewise the Tactica Leonis（cf.his comments in‘Zum Militargesetz des Leo’，BZ 2（1893），606 ff.，and‘Wissens插ft und Recht für das Heer’，ib.3（1894），437 ff.），although this belongs without doubt to Leo Ⅵ（see below，p.215，note 5）.On all this legal work see my comments in‘über die vermeintliche Reformtatigkeit der Isaurier’，BZ 30（1929-30），394 ff.
[19]Nicephorus 12，10.
[20]After the attacks in the ninth decade of the sixth century（cf.p.81 above），described in the Miracula S.Demetrii I，the Miracula Ⅱ tells of attacks in 616 and 618.Cf.Barisic，cuda Dimitrija Solunskog，81 ff.
[21]Cf.C.Jirecek，Die Romanen in den Stadten Dalmatiens Ⅰ（1901），21 ff.，and Geschichte Ⅰ，93 ff.；Sisic，Povijest 232;Niederle，Manuel 65 f.，103 ff.On the ethnic 插nges that took place on Byzantine territory，and especially on the question of the Slavs in Greece，cf.the thorough discussion by R.J.H.Jenkins，Byzantium and Byzantinism，21 ff.
[22]Cf.P.插ranis，‘The Chronicle of Monemvasia and the Question of the Slavonic Settlements in Greece’，Dumbarton Oaks Papers 5（1950），141 ff.See also below，p.193，and note 2.
[23]As was maintained by J.P.Fallmerayer，Geschichte der Halbinsel Morea wahrend des Mittelalters，Stuttgart 1830.From Fallmerayer’s day onwards this question has been much discussed in an extensive literature of unequal value，considerably swollen in recent years by the many Greek contributions.Mention should be made of D.A.Zakythinos，Athens 1945;A.N.Diomedes，Athens 1946;St.Kyriakides，，Thessalonica 1947.A penetrating and scholarly treatment of the problem will be found in A.A.Vasiliev，‘Slavjane v Grecii’，ⅤⅤ5（1898），404-38，626-70，and M.Vasmer，Die Slaven in Griechenland，Abh.d Preuss.Akad.d.Wiss.1941，Phil.-hist.Kl.12.The criticisms of D.Georgakas，‘Beitrage zur Deutung als slavisch erklarter Orstnamen’，BZ 41（1941），351 ff.，even in the cascs where his attempted interpretations seem to be plausible or worth serious consideration，do not impair the value of Vasmer’s work.Cf.A.Bon，Le Péloponnèse byzantin jusqu’en 1204，Paris 1951，which is distingui射d by its thoroughness and marked objectivity，and P.Lemerle，‘Une province byzantine：Le Péloponnèse’，B 21（1951），341 ff.Cf.also the very suggestive treatment by F.Dolger，‘Ein Fall slavischer Einsiedlung im Hinterland von Thessalonike im 10.Jahrhundert’，S.B.d.Bayer.Akad.d.Wiss.，Phil-hist.Kl.，1952，H.1，Munich 1952（cf.BZ 46（1953）210 f.-a reply to Kyriakides）；A.Maricq，‘Notes sur les Slaves dans le Péloponnèse et en Bithynie’，B 22（1952），337 ff.；P.Lemerle，‘Invasions et migrations dans les Balkans depuis la fin de l’époque romaine jusqu’au Ⅷe siècle’，Rev.hist.211（1954），303 ff.
[24]On the chronology see N.H.Baynes，‘The Date of the Avar Surprise’，BZ 21（1912），110 ff.
[25]On the themes see Gelzer，‘Themenverfassung’；Diehl，‘Régime des thèmes’；Uspenskij，‘Voennoe ustrojstvo’（Military organization）；E.W.Brooks，‘Arabic Lists of the Byzantine Themes’，JHS 21（1901），67-77;Kulakovskij，Istorija Ⅲ，387-431.Stein，Studien 117-40 and‘Ein Kapitel’50-89 are particularly important.See also Honigman，Ostgrenze 43 ff.，64 ff.During the last few years a considerable number of studies on the origin of the organization of the themes have appeared，and particular attention has been given to the question of the date when the first themes originated：A，Pertusi，Constantino Porfirogenito De thematibus，Vatican City 1952（commentary to his new edition，see esp.p.103 ff.）；idem‘Nuova ipotesi sull origine dei“temi”bizantini’，Aevum 28（1954），126-50;idem，‘La formation des thèmes byzantines’，Berichte zum XI Intern.Byzantinisten-Kongress Ⅰ，Munich 1958;N.H.Baynes，‘The Emperor Heraclius and the Military Theme System’，EHR 67（1952），380 f.；W.Ensslin，‘Der Kaiser Heraklios und die Themenverfassung，BZ 46（1953），362-86;G.Ostrogorsky，’Sur la date de la composition du Livre des Thèmes et sur I’époque de la constitution des premiers thèmes d’Asie Mineure’，B 23（1953），31-66;idem，Berichte zum Ⅺ.Intern.Byzantinisten-Kongress，Korreferate，p.1-8，Munich 1958;H.-W.Haussig，‘Anfange der Themenordnung’in：Altheim-Stiehl，Finanzgeschichte der Spatantike，Frankfurt-am-Main 1957，82-114;J.Karayannopulos，Die Entstehung der byzantinischen Themenordnung，Munich 1959（cf.my review in Vierteljahrschr.f.Sozial-u.Wirts插ftsgesch.47（1960），261 ff.）.For the origin of the word‘theme’cf.S.Kyriakides，EEBS 23（1953），392-94 and13（1954），339;F.Dolger，‘Zur Ableitung des byzantinischen Verwaltungsterminus’，Historia 41（1955），189-98.插ranis，‘Some Remarks on the 插nges in Byzantium in the seventh Century’，ZRVI 8，1（1963），71 ff.，emphasizes the 插nges undergone by the Byzantine Empire at the end of the sixth century and during the seventh century.On the disputed question of the beginning of the establishment of the themes，插ranis adopts the view put forward in this book.J.Karayannopulos，‘über die vermeintliche Reformtatigkeit des Kaisers Herakleios’，on the other hand，has recently categorically defended his own quite different views（cf.above and p.97，note 1），in particular attempting to show that 插nges were introduced into the Byzantine structure of government‘auf jeden Fall nicht unter Herakleios’。